The suspension of the Civil Disobedience Movement in 1934 left a political vacuum in the Indian national movement. With mass political action halted, the Indian National Congress (INC) faced a critical ideological division regarding its future course of action. This period mirrored the earlier Pro-Changers versus No-Changers debate of the 1920s, splitting the nationalist leadership into camps with fundamentally opposing views on how to counter British constitutional maneuvers, specifically the upcoming Government of India Act 1935.
Ideological Factions in the Council Entry Debate
The debate centered on whether Congress should contest the provincial elections scheduled under the Government of India Act 1935. The nationalist leadership split into three distinct camps based on strategy and ideology.
1. The Pro-Council Entry Section (The Constitutionalists)
Led by veteran leaders like Bhulabhai Desai, K.M. Munshi, Dr. Ansari, B.C. Roy, and Satyamurti, this faction argued that political vacuum would lead to frustration among the masses.
- Core Argument: They advocated for contesting elections and entering provincial legislatures to “wreck the constitution from within.”
- Defensive Strategy: They believed that if Congress boycotted the councils, reactionary, communal, and pro-British elements would occupy these seats, using official machinery to suppress the nationalist movement.
2. The Left-Wing Opponents (The Radicals)
Led by Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose, along with the newly formed Congress Socialist Party (CSP), this faction fiercely opposed any form of compromise with colonial institutions.
- Core Argument: They argued that entering the councils and accepting ministerial offices would mean working within the framework of the imperialist state, thereby legitimizing British rule.
- Alternative Strategy: They advocated for a continuous anti-imperialist mass struggle, radicalization of peasant and labor unions, and the rejection of the 1935 Act in its entirety. Nehru termed the 1935 Act a “charter of slavery” with “strong brakes and no engine.”
3. The Centrist Position (The Gandhian No-Changers)
Mahatma Gandhi and close associates like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Rajendra Prasad, and C. Rajagopalachari initially held reservations about council entry, preferring constructive work in villages.
- Evolution of Stance: Gandhi eventually acted as a mediator. Realizing that the parliamentarians could not be kept out of constitutional politics indefinitely without causing a split, and noting that the masses were too exhausted for an immediate launch of a new Satyagraha, Gandhi approved a compromise. He allowed the Congress to contest the elections while emphasizing that ministries must serve as an instrument for strengthening the national movement.
The Compromise: Lucknow and Faizpur Sessions
To maintain organizational unity, the Congress adapted its strategy sequentially across two historic sessions.
Lucknow Session (April 1936)
Presided over by Jawaharlal Nehru, the Congress resolved to contest the upcoming provincial elections. However, the crucial decision regarding whether to actually accept ministerial office after the elections was postponed, as the Left and Right wings could not find immediate common ground.
Faizpur Session (December 1936)
Also presided over by Nehru, this was the first Congress session held in a rural area, signaling an effort to mass-mobilize the peasantry. The election manifesto was finalized here, emphasizing the rejection of the 1935 Act, demanding a Constituent Assembly, promising sweeping agrarian reforms, and solidifying the decision to fight the elections with full organizational strength.
The 1937 Elections and Congress Performance
The provincial elections held in early 1937 demonstrated the electoral supremacy of the Congress across the Indian subcontinent. Out of 1,585 seats across 11 provinces, the Congress won 716 seats.
Summary of the 1937 Election Results
| Province | Seats Won / Total | Status of Congress Government |
| Madras | 159 / 215 | Absolute Majority (Formed Ministry) |
| Bihar | 98 / 152 | Absolute Majority (Formed Ministry) |
| United Provinces (UP) | 134 / 228 | Absolute Majority (Formed Ministry) |
| Central Provinces (CP) | 70 / 112 | Absolute Majority (Formed Ministry) |
| Orissa | 36 / 60 | Absolute Majority (Formed Ministry) |
| Bombay | 86 / 175 | Near Majority (Formed Ministry with support) |
| NWFP | 19 / 50 | Single Largest Party (Formed Coalition Ministry) |
| Assam | 33 / 108 | Single Largest Party (Formed Coalition Ministry later) |
| Bengal | 54 / 250 | Opposed; Fazlul Huq (KPP) & Muslim League coalition |
| Punjab | 18 / 175 | Opposed; Unionist Party under Sikandar Hayat Khan |
| Sindh | 7 / 60 | Opposed; United Party Coalition |
Subhas Chandra Bose and the Constitutionalist Experiment
Subhas Chandra Bose remained highly skeptical of the parliamentary path, viewing it as a diversion from the ultimate goal of complete independence (Purna Swaraj). His perspective shifted dynamically during his presidency of the Congress.
The Haripura Transition (1938)
Elected unanimously as Congress President at the Haripura Session, Bose accepted the reality of the functioning Congress ministries. He sought to utilize this state power to implement a radical socio-economic program. He established the National Planning Committee (1938), appointing Jawaharlal Nehru as its chairman, to lay down the principles of industrialization and state-led economic development, contrasting sharply with Gandhi’s village-centric economic model.
The Tripuri Crisis and Anti-Compromise Stance (1939)
By late 1938, Bose grew deeply concerned that the right-wing leadership of the Congress was becoming overly comfortable with ministerial power and might accept the federal scheme proposed under the 1935 Act (which kept defense and foreign affairs under British veto). Bose decided to contest the 1939 Tripuri presidential election on a radical platform, advocating for an immediate 6-month ultimatum to the British government to quit India, to be followed by mass civil disobedience if rejected. The right-wing elements backed Pattabhi Sitaramayya, with Gandhi’s open endorsement. Bose won the election by a margin of 203 votes (1,580 to 1,377).
Formation of the Forward Bloc
The victory led to an internal deadlock. The right-wing faction passed the Pant Resolution at Tripuri, forcing the President to appoint the Congress Working Committee according to Gandhi’s wishes. Gandhi refused to name a committee, forcing Bose to resign from the presidency in April 1939. In May 1939, Bose formed the All India Forward Bloc within the Congress. His objective was to rally all left-wing and radical anti-imperialist forces into a single disciplined front to combat the “constitutionalist drift” of the right-wing leadership and prepare the country for a final, militant assault on British rule as World War II approached.
Last Modified: June 12, 2026